Hirst: “Anyone can be like Rembrandt”
Hirst: (in the Graun):
“Anyone can be like Rembrandt…I don’t think a painter like Rembrandt is a genius. It’s about freedom and guts. It’s about looking. It can be learnt. That’s the great thing about art. Anybody can do it if you just believe. With practice you can make great paintings.”
(From the Indie):This week we may have witnessed one of the pivotal moments in the history of art. Not only has Damien Hirst, arguably the richest and most powerful artist in history, received the critical pasting of his life, but there’s a sense that our whole perception of what art is, or should be, may have subtly – or not so subtly – shifted.
In case you’ve been miles from the media over the past week, Hirst, the man who became famous by putting sharks and sheep in formaldehyde, who summed up the 21st century confluence of art and shameless materialism with a £50 million diamond-encrusted skull – none of which he actually made himself – decided to exhibit paintings executed with his own hand in one of Britain’s most august art institutions, the Wallace Collection.
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Here, Hirst’s daubs have been hung on walls newly lined in blue silk at a cost of £250,000, close to, if not actually alongside works by Titian, Rembrandt, Velasquez and Poussin. The result has been one of the most unanimously negative responses to any exhibition in living memory. Sarah Crompton, writing in this paper, was one of the kinder critics, finding the paintings merely “thin and one note”. “Deadly dull, amateurish”, wrote the Guardian’s critic. “Not worth looking at”, said the Independent. “Dreadful”, pronounced The Times.
Hirst:
Saxophone Colossus
If you’re lucky enough to have a ticket to hear the great Sonny Rollins tonight at the Barbican, you’re very lucky. The Rollins gig is part of the London Jazz Festival – most of which strikes me as meretricious non-jazz of the type John Fordham enthuses about in the Graun.
Rollins, however, is a true jazz great and – possibly – in this day and age of jazz being taught in universities and colleges, the last of the great individualists. There was a time when you only had to hear a bar or two of a record by one of the greats – Louis, Bix, Bechet, Teagarden, Hawkins, Young, etc – to know who they were. Their playing carried a signature. Parker, Gillespie, Getz, Monk and Cannonball Adderley were similarly identifiable. In the “mainstream” world, Ruby Braff and Kenny Davern had instantly recognisable voices on their instruments.
Rollins may be the last of the distinctively individual jazz soloists – a player whose tone and phrasing is as individual as the human voice. He also has a sense of humour – something else that a lot of present-day jazz musicians noticeably lack:
At a time when most “modern” tenor players were basing themselves upon Lester Young (nothing wrong with that), Rollins remained a “Hawkins” man, and pinned a signed photo of the Hawk on his bedroom wall. He eventually got to record an album with his hero. For those of us who can’t get to the Barbican tonight, here’s a good (if rather breathless) tribute to the great man:
Those Zionists just keep getting more clever!
For those who haven’t seen this month’s Searchlight (website here, November edition not yet up at the time of writing), it really is worth buying for one story alone. I actually convulsed with slightly nauseous laughter at the sheer stupidity and paranoia of the BNP leadership, who believe they’ve rumbled the real political roots behind the gaggle of baboon-like thugs that is the English Defence League.
Nick Lowles’ article recounts footage of a conversation between BNP fuhrer Nick Griffin and his deputy, Simon Darby, having a conversation about the EDL. In spite of the involvement of BNP members such as Chris Renton and Davy Cooling with the EDL, both organisations deny having formal links with each other. Further, the “new”, “respectable” BNP is concerned to publicly distance itself from the drunken rabble of the EDL.
But of course, Griffin thinks there’s more to the EDL than that. And being a far-rightist, he puts that organisation’s actions down to manipulation by an old enemy whose very mention twitches the sphincters of fascists worldwide. Yes, it’s the Jews… oh sorry I mean “Zionists”. In a conversation with Darby, posted conveniently on YouTube for those who want to listen to them drivelling at each other, Griffin says:
“Spelling it out in simple terms, you look at the owners of the Daily Express, the Daily Star and their interests. This is a neo-con operation. This is a Zionist false flag operation, designed to create a real clash of civilisations right here on our streets between Islam and the rest of us.”
Yes, Richard Desmond, the proprietor of the two newspapers mentioned, is Jewish. The Daily Star in particular has run stories that appear supportive to the EDL. Therefore, what more proof did dear old Nick think he needed of this grand conspiracy? Stand up in a court o’ law, that would.
I am sorry to disappoint the two BNP leaders, but they have got it all quite wrong. Jim and I have checked with Shiraz Socialist’s own Zionist backers, and they assure us that they have nothing to do with the EDL. Apparently they did consider offering some support in an effort to discredit the BNP, but the costs of cheap lager and bomber jackets proved too prohibitive. Therefore they allowed a consortium of Freemasons and Marxists to move in, instead.
I hope this clears the matter up for posterity.
Gameboy: you’re on!
Sometimes, all you can do is make yourself plain:
“John, I’m willing to debate you here, anywhere else you choose, in person or electronically, on the subject of third campism OR ANYTHING ELSE YOU CARE TO MENTION…OK? I’m sure I’ve made that offer to you before. “Run a mile” from debate”? Name the time, place and subject, pal…
“(Preferably in person and in public- JD).”
…in response to the below:
November 13, 2009 at 5:38 pm · Edit
“In any case here is the opportunity. The AWL are wierd. Constant demands for real political discussion. But as soon as you move away from a discussion which is apolitical they run a mile.”
Jim Denham said,
November 13, 2009 at 8:45 pm · Edit
Gameboy (aka “Johng”) writes :
“You have not for instance registered that the article written by Denham starts off with a bold-faced lie”: John, I presume that is a reference to this:
“in Cairo – presumably continuing the SWP’s sucking up to the clerical fascists of the Muslim Brotherhood.”
Let’s accept, for the sake of argument, that you are factually correct that Harman was in Cairo for a meeting of socialists and *not* the Muslim Brotherhood…OK…
1/ Note the word I used: “presumably”;
2/ Do you deny that the vast majority of SWP jaunts to Cairo in recent years have been at the behest of the Muslim Brotherhood?
3/ Assuming that you do not deny #2 (above): what’s so unreasonable about speculating that Harman’s visit was “presumably” to continue the SWP’s “sucking up” to the Brotherhood – a force that Tony Cliff himself once characterised as “clerical fascist”?
I haven’t read the Harman article that Gameboy refers to, but I’d be interested to know whether it is regarded now by SWP’ers as representing a definitive break with the Socialist Review/IS “third camp” tradition now that the SWP has become a third worldist outfit. If so, I think the SWP owes it to the left as a whole to mark this departure from its own tradition rather more clearly.
Gameboy: “In any case here is the opportunity. The AWL are wierd. Constant demands for real political discussion. But as soon as you move away from a discussion which is apolitical they run a mile.”
John, I’m willing to debate you here, anywhere else you choose, in person or electronically, on the subject of third campism OR ANYTHING ELSE YOU CARE TO MENTION…OK? I’m sure I’ve made that offer to you before. “Run a mile” from debate”? Name the time, place and subject, pal!
(Preferably in person and in public- JD)
LRC: Labour Representation Committee or Lefties’ Recreational Club?
This coming Saturday will see the annual conference of the Labour Representation Committee. For those of you who don’t know, this is a body mainly composed of Labour Party members and affiliated bodies, whose basic purpose is to provide a forum via which people can try to resurrect a socialist politics within that party.
Some good friends of this blog are LRC members, and some (MarshaJane Thompson, Maria Exall and Sue Press to name but three ) are even running for elected positions – against each other! Furthermore, some admirable figures, such as John McDonnell MP, are prominent within it.
I know we’ve had this debate before, in similar posts on this blog and elsewhere. However I think it’s worth re-visiting. In spite of repeated conferences, meetings and other things on various policy areas, successive years have not seen the LRC gain any mainstream traction within the party, or noticeably shift its politics at all, as far as I can see. To an outsider such as myself, it looks like people gather, debate a raft of motions, elect each other to positions, get pledges of affiliation from various organisations, then go to the pub. All good fun, and no doubt much of the discussion is very interesting, but what’s the underlying plan?
LRC figures have been heavily involved in the drafting and promotion of the “People’s Charter”, an admirable initiative which aims to build a coalition behind a set of basic demands to improve the daily lives of working people in the UK. Amongst its signatories is Tony Woodley, joint General Secretary of UNITE, the union of which myself and Mr Denham are both members. The problem with it is that it has little or no existence outside of the world of conference rooms and committees. There has been little or no evidence that the several national unions which support the charter have any intention of acting forcefully on its demands, and as for “People’s”, most of the people have never heard of it, let alone signed up.
I have heard more than one person give various explanations as to what they think is the purpose of ongoing Labour Party work. These have ranged from the idea that it is still possible for the left to win traction via the various internal party processes (candidate selection etc), to more speculative ideas like the prospect of things “kicking off” inside the party after the 2010 election. The people saying these things, incidentally, are not generally stupid fantasists but sincere and decent men and women of the left.
I just can’t see any of these things happening. If we could win anything within the party via any process under the present circumstances then we would have done so. As for things kicking off after the next election, I fail to see who realistically is going to be doing the kicking. The Labourite left in the unions has thus far failed to bite, even where it controls national executives or general secretary’s posts. The revoltionary left in Labour-affiliated unions is too weak and fractured to make anything much practical happen. The active constituency membership, on the other hand, is (with local exceptions) perhaps more right-wing than it has been at any point in the party’s history.
On reflection, the title of this post may seem a little harsh. I would certainly not wish to attack the integrity or commitment of most LRC supporters. Perhaps what I need is to be convinced that the LRC is, or can be, anything much more than a gathering where people can air their grievances at the political system before heading off to remnisce over a beer. There’s nothing innately wrong in that, but surely the LRC was meant to be so much more.
The Good Town
The Secret Life of the Berlin Wall is an excellent documentary, telling the stories of Stasi informers and those they spied on, of believers in the system and those who hated it or died trying to escape it. I was reminded of The Good Town, a great poem by the Scottish poet Edwin Muir which was published in 1949. The town in the poem was based on Prague.
The Good Town
Look at it well. This was the good town once,
Known everywhere, with streets of friendly neighbours,
Street friend to street and house to house. In summer
All day the doors stood open; lock and key
Were quaint antiquities fit for museums
With gyves and rusty chains. The ivy grew
From post to post across the prison door.
The yard behind was sweet with grass and flowers.
A place where grave philosophers loved to walk.
Old Time that promises and keeps his promise
Was our sole lord indulgent and severe,
Who gave and took away with gradual hand
That never hurried, never tarried, still
Adding, subtracting. These our houses had
Long fallen into decay but that we knew
Kindness and courage can repair time’s faults,
And serving him breeds patience and courtesy
In us, light sojourners and passing subjects.
There is a virtue in tranquillity
That makes all fitting, childhood and youth and age,
Each in its place.
Look well. These mounds of rubble,
And shattered piers, half-windows, broken arches
And groping arms were once inwoven in walls
Covered with saints and angels, bore the roof,
Shot up the towering spire. These gaping bridges
Once spanned the quiet river which you see
Beyond that patch of raw and angry earth
Where the new concrete houses sit and stare.
Walk with me by the river. See, the poplars
Still gather quiet gazing on the stream.
The white road winds across the small green hill
And then is lost. These few things still remain.
Some of our houses too, though not what once
Lived there and drew a strength from memory.
Our people have been scattered, or have come
As strangers back to mingle with the strangers
Who occupy our rooms where none can find
The place he knew but settles where he can.
No family now sits at the evening table;
Father and son, mother and child are out,
A quaint and obsolete fashion. In our houses
Invaders speak their foreign tongues, informers
Appear and disappear, chance whores, officials
Humble or high, frightened, obsequious,
Sit carefully in corners. My old friends
(Friends ere these great disasters) are dispersed
In parties, armies, camps, conspiracies.
We avoid each other. If you see a man
Who smiles good-day or waves a lordly greeting
Be sure he’s a policeman or a spy.
We know them by their free and candid air.
It was not time that brought these things upon us,
But these two wars that trampled on us twice,
Advancing and withdrawing, like a herd
Of clumsy-footed beasts on a stupid errand
Unknown to them or us. Pure chance, pure malice,
Or so it seemed. And when, the first war over,
The armies left and our own men came back
From every point by many a turning road,
Maimed, crippled, changed in body or in mind,
It was a sight to see the cripples come
Out on the fields. The land looked all awry,
The roads ran crooked and the light fell wrong.
Our fields were like a pack of cheating cards
Dealt out at random – all we had to play
In the bad game for the good stake, our life.
We played; a little shrewdness scraped us through.
Then came the second war, passed and repassed,
And now you see our town, the fine new prison,
The house-doors shut and barred, the frightened faces
Peeping round corners, secret police, informers,
And all afraid of all.
How did it come?
From outside, so it seemed, an endless source,
Disorder inexhaustible, strange to us,
Incomprehensible. Yet sometimes now
We ask ourselves, we the old citizens:
‘Could it have come from us? Was our peace peace?
Our goodness goodness? That old life was easy
And kind and comfortable; but evil is restless
And gives no rest to the cruel or the kind.
How could our town grow wicked in a moment?
What is the answer? Perhaps no more than this,
That once the good men swayed our lives, and those
Who copied them took a while the hue of goodness,
A passing loan; while now the bad are up,
And we, poor ordinary neutral stuff,
Not good nor bad, must ape them as we can,
In sullen rage or vile obsequiousness.
Say there’s a balance between good and evil
In things, and it’s so mathematical,
So finely reckoned that a jot of either,
A bare preponderance will do all you need,
Make a town good, or make it what you see.
But then, you’ll say, only that jot is wanting,
That grain of virtue. No: when evil comes
All things turn adverse, and we must begin
At the beginning, heave the groaning world
Back in its place again, and clamp it there.
Then all is hard and hazardous. We have seen
Good men made evil wrangling with the evil,
Straight minds grown crooked fighting crooked minds.
Our peace betrayed us; we betrayed our peace.
Look at it well. This was the good town once.’
These thoughts we have, walking among our ruins.
“Wir wollen rüber!”
East Berlin 09/11/89, 21:30
By now, crowds are building at crossing points. At Bornholmer Strasse nearly a thousand people press to be let through, chanting “Wir wollen rüber!” (“We want to go over!”). A kilometre long line of puffing Trabant and Wartburg two-stroke cars sit behind them as 52 armed border guards look on. “If we shoot them then they will hang us from the lampposts,” says one. Lt Col Jager calls Stasi headquarters for orders. He is told: Jager, I cannot give you any decision, I am not getting any instructions from my superiors either.”
23:50
The crowds are getting bigger – and more insistent. The Stasi orders the opening of all crossing points in the Wall including Checkpoint Charlie, Invalidenstrasse and Heinrich-Hein-Strasse. Everywhere there are scenes of frantic jubilation. Decades of confinement in “communist” East Germany are ending.
“I have no particular love for the idealized ‘worker’ as he appears in the bourgeois Communist’s mind, but when I see an actual flesh-and-blood worker in conflict with his natural enemy, the policeman, I do not have to ask myself which side I am on” -George Orwell, Homage to Catalonia (1938)
“We do not want a united Germany. This would lead to a change to post-war borders, and we cannot allow that because such a development would undermine the stability of the whole international situation and could endanger our security” -Margaret Thatcher (November 1989)
All Quiet Now
To mark Remembrance Day Radio 4’s Saturday afternoon play was a dramatisation of Erich Maria Remarque’s All Quiet on the Western Front. I read it years ago and had forgotten most of it except for the last lines:-
He fell in October 1918 on a day that was so still and quiet along the entire front line that the army dispatches restricted themselves to the simple sentence that there was nothing new to report on the western front. He was lying on the ground as if asleep. When they turned him over you could see that he could not have suffered long. His face was so composed that it looked as if he was almost happy that it had turned out that way.
Picture from the German cemetery at Ypres. The British and Commonwealth cemeteries are in white stone with little gardens and look bright and clean, even cheerful except that they represent so many dead. The German cemetery is sombre and shaded with oaks, and the stones are black.
“Dear Comrade Harman”
The sudden passing of Chris Harman (in Cairo – presumably continuing the SWP’s sucking up to the clerical fascists of the Muslim Brotherhood), means that there is now no one left who has personal recollection of the IS/Socialist Review tradition of third campism. Harman, of course, played a leading role in betraying that tradition. The most appropriate memorial to this supple-spined apparatchik must be this, from 2007:
Dear comrade Harman,
I know you of old and hope, or would like to believe, that you still hold to the basic socialist ideas which you and I shared in the past.
See also: Open Letter to an IS Leader, August 2004: From the “IS Tradition” to Respect; and more on Respect.
I wrote you a first open letter in June 2004 (Solidarity 3/54) urging you to register that the Respect turn was a betrayal of all that was good about the political tradition you used to hold to.
The rift between your organisation, the SWP, and George Galloway should say a great deal to you, as to me, about the nature of the alliance which the SWP and Galloway have had for the last five years. Stop and think for a moment about the astonishing degradation of your organisation.
What have you now fallen out about? Has your SWP Central Committee belatedly understood that your association with Galloway is demeaning and befouling? Do you now find yourselves suddenly realising what you have got into, with the shock of someone who wakes up to the realisation that he has been sleep-walked into a disease-ridden stream of sewage? Have you suddenly realised whom you’ve been holding hands with?
With a man who was for a decade the ally in Britain for the fascistic Ba’thist dictator of Iraq, Saddam Hussein. Who has publicly admitted to promiscuously taking money for his political activities from a wide range of Arab and Islamic governments, from successive Pakistani administrations through the United Arab Emirates to Saudi Arabia. Of whom the parliamentary inquiry report in July this year said “it is reasonable to presume that what the documents [published in the Daily Telegraph in 2003] say is true” and “that some of his activities in support of the Iraqi regime may have been financed through an oil-related mechanism”?
No, none of that is news to you. You have known all that about Galloway at least as well as we did, possibly better. Why have the SWP and Galloway suddenly fallen out, then?
It seems that Galloway wants to go deeper into the ethnic-sectarian politics that have given its peculiar political flavour and odour to Respect, and that the SWP has not entirely abandoned concerns to influence the labour movement.
Galloway has objected to the concentration of Respect resources on the Organising for Fighting Unions initiative and on having a presence on the Pride march.
Your SWP colleague John Rees retorts that “the constant adaptation to what are referred to as ‘community leaders’ in Tower Hamlets is lowering the level of politics and making us vulnerable to the attacks and pressures brought on us by New Labour. It is alienating us not only from the white working class but also from the more radical sections of the Bengali community, both secular and Muslim, who feel that Respect is becoming the party of a narrow and conservative trend in the area”. Why has it taken him – or you – four years to realise that?
Galloway, it seems, also objects to Respect being heavily controlled by the SWP machine. He claims that the SWP in Respect has behaved as we saw you behave in the Socialist Alliance and in other fields where your organisation operates. I don’t have independent knowledge of the internal affairs of Respect; but I do know that SWP machine control – for example, steamrollering Respect conference to reject motions in favour of secularism which only a few years ago would have been uncontentious in any left-wing meeting – has on all the big issues served Galloway’s politics, not the socialist ideas which you came into politics with.
Think about it. The leaders of the SWP have made enormous ideological and political concessions to Galloway and the communalist and sectarian forces who make up Galloway’s “constituency”, in and around Respect.
You have, as John Rees now points out, four years late, allied with Muslim “community leaders”, businessmen who have little in common with socialism.
You have appealed for votes on the basis that Respect’s candidates are the best “fighters for Muslims”.
You have supported the forces of bigotry and social regression, in demanding the suppression of the Danish cartoons of September 2005, which became the target of Islamic clerical-fascist muscle-flexing as not so long ago certain images of Jesus Christ were targeted by Christian bigots (remember the court case in 1977, when Gay News was found guilty of blasphemy?).
Your SWP Central Committee colleague Alex Callinicos, whose ability to write “Marxist” rationalisations of almost anything you must know well by now and perhaps privately despise, has retrospectively repudiated the the SWP’s earlier, better self, for having supported Salman Rushdie against the Islamist bigots who wanted to shed his blood for writing with “disrespect” of Muhammad in his novel The Satanic Verses (Socialist Worker, 11 February 2006).
But then, under your own editorship, Socialist Worker tried to excuse the Taliban’s treatment of Afghan women (1 October 2001)!
Last Sunday, 7 October, you gave the official endorsement of Respect to the “Al Quds day” demonstration called by Islamists in London to continue a tradition inaugurated by Ayatollah Khomeiny in 1979 and sponsored by the Iranian government since then.
Your press has limited itself to the mildest criticisms of the Ahmedinejad regime in Iran, and enthusiastically welcomed the coup by Hamas in the Gaza Strip. You have marched with the slogan “We are all Hezbollah”.
You had your student members join the Federation of Student Islamic Societies in walking out in protest when an Iraqi socialist feminist addressed the National Union of Students conference.
In the unions, your members have lined up again and again with officials who are left-wing in words but not in action, in the cause of trying to entice them into Respect or at least onto the platforms of Stop the War, Unite Against Fascism, and similar.
The SWP has done all this in tandem with Galloway – only to get slapped and rebuked by him, now that Respect has lost momentum and gone into unmistakable decline.
Galloway may well be angling to get the rump Communist Party of Britain into Respect, to give him more solid backing for his Stalinistic politics; his next step after that could be to dump the SWP altogether, leaving him with the Respect name and the CPB’s assets such as the Morning Star. And yet the SWP is still in retreat.
The entire Respect episode was, is, and, if it continues, will be a sordid political manoeuvre in which the SWP leaders, with the casual indifference of a dog raising his hind leg against a lamp-post, has (to put it in basic English, so you will understand me) pissed on secularism, on international working-class solidarity, on liberalism in the good sense (opposition to religious bigotry and defence of civil, social, and intellectual freedom), and most of all, perhaps, on rational socialist politics.
This whole foul chapter of political adventurism grew, first in the heads of the SWP leaders, out of the anti-war movement – out of your desire on any terms to turn that movement into solid ongoing “assets” for your organisation. In pursuit of that goal, the SWP pumped up the Muslim Association of Britain (British offshoot of the Muslim Brotherhood: prior to the SWP’s sponsorship, a small and frail group), and had an MAB leader running as a Respect candidate although he openly avowed that “his religion” taught him that there “would always be rich and poor”.
Now you are less concerned, perhaps, with conciliating Galloway and his allies. Why? Because you know that with Britain’s progressive withdrawal from Iraq, the rump “anti-war movement” is winding to its end? Because you want to try to cash in some of your “winnings”, and make a tactical retreat from the “excesses” of “Islamicising” over the last five years?
You must realise that the SWP has gained very little in terms of what matters to you most – recruits, “building the SWP”. You know that inside Respect, it hasn’t been the SWP winning over Muslim youth drawn in by Galloway, but Galloway winning over former SWP organisers, members, and sympathisers. Even inside the SWP, the SWP Central Committee’s efforts to put up a firm front against Galloway at first elicited opposition from members “soft” on Galloway, more internal opposition than the SWP has seen for many years.
From where AWL stands it looks as if the SWP has had only a derisorily small level of recruitment of young (or any) people of Muslim background, and that a large segment of the SWP and SWP periphery are bewildered and demoralised.
Even in narrow terms of SWP “gate receipts”, the whole exercise has been a grotesque series of ideological and political self-betrayals and self-disavowals which have produced none of the political blood-money you thought to gain.
But you can claim “revolutionary virtue” for opposing the Iraq war? None of the things the SWP has done in the last four years, which can all be summed up in the one word “Respect”, were a necessary part of opposing the war. AWL opposed the war – but we have also bitterly opposed most of what the SWP and its allies have done since the invasion of Iraq.
To oppose the war and to fight Blair and Bush, it was not necessary to turn yourselves into “reactionary anti-imperialists”, the “anti-imperialist” equivalent of the “reactionary socialists” whom Marx and Engels denounced in the Communist Manifesto.
It was not necessary – indeed, it was discrediting, counter-productive, self-destructive – to back the sectarian, clerical-fascist “resistance” in Iraq, who are the mortal enemies of the renascent labour movement there, of all civil liberties, and of all women in the Iraqi state.
It was not necessary to ally with Galloway, or with the MAB. It was not necessary, it was self-disabling, to develop the fantasy that large numbers of Muslims, as they are, without changing except in being roused as Muslims by opposition to the war in Iraq, could be won – to what? – by solidarising with them on their own political terrain and mimicking their politics and their “Islamism”.
And what have you got from it? Nothing. Whatever happens now, the legacy of this episode in your organisation’s history will remain one of immense political confusion and inevitably, leave an additional residue of cynicism.
For decades your organisation has followed the procedure of tailoring your “Marxism” to its organisational needs and desires. Your organisation’s “Marxism” was and is “apparatus Marxism” – not Marxism which guides your organisation, but “Marxism” which rationalises from what the SWP’s leaders think will bring recruits and organisational advantage. A scandalous public example of what is usually done inside closed rooms and in the heads of SWP leaders was the “change of line” – twenty years after – on the Salman Rushdie affair.
Galloway did not cause any of what you have done. He bears no responsibility for the SWP, only for his own foul record and his own shameless self. Even so, Galloway is one of the prime symbols and embodiments of what the SWP has become – what you have let it become.
If you force a division in the SWP Central Committee and a break with Galloway – or, even more so, if the SWP rank and file were to push you into doing that – then that would be a possible start (no more, but a possible start) to a self-cleaning and self-regeneration by the SWP.
At least, that is what it would be if the SWP membership call you all to account – those who initiated this chapter in the SWP’s history, and those in the leadership who weakly and short-sightedly went along with it. If they let none of you smoothly slide away from the resultant mess, throwing self-serving rationalisations and alibis over your shoulders.
If you won’t fight to defend the principles of socialism, secularism, and rational politics – if you won’t break with Galloway now, and honestly criticise and analyse the last four or five years – then what good are you as leaders, or as members, of a socialist organisation?
If you won’t do it, SWP members should fight to make you do it. True, they have few democratic mechanisms to challenge the Central Committee. But they are not helpless.
They can talk to other members who are unhappy with the foul political and moral morass into which the SWP has been led. They can organise with them, secretly if they need to (they probably would). They can read the criticisms of SWP policy produced over the years by other socialists. They can break through the barrier of misrepresentation, demonisation, and slander which the members of the SWP Central Committee, including you, have erected to stop them even talking to people like ourselves.
Even if the conflict with Galloway comes to a break, what confidence for the future can SWP members have in those responsible for the last four years, including you, comrade Harman? The central SWP leaders today are people bred and raised to “leadership” by the SWP machine which you and others helped Tony Cliff build. Your typical methods have been political demagogy, bureaucratic and manipulative organisational practices, eternal willingness to shed principles for perceived short-term advantage, and refusal to allow the SWP rank and file any real freedom of discussion or control over the leaders.
Even if, or when, a break comes with Galloway, the SWP will not simply revert to what it was five or ten years ago. Unless the break comes by the SWP openly renouncing Galloway and its own whole record for the last five years – rather than by Galloway, at his own chosen time, discarding the “Trotskyists” for whom he has never troubled to conceal his contempt – the downward political spiral will continue. At best it will only be reversed partially and temporarily.
Comrade Harman, the revolutionary politics which you spent most of your life working for are still worth fighting for! In the SWP they will have to be fought for against the leaders and their “theoreticians”, such as you. Comrades of the SWP, the socialist ideas which the SWP claims to represent are worth fighting for! Break with Galloway!
Sean Matgamna

