A brilliant denunciation by Andrew Coates:
Socialist Party: For Ending the Free Movement of Labour to the UK
Capitalist pro-EU demonstrators.
The Socialist Party (SP) writes,
The EU referendum result was a massive rejection of the capitalist establishment but voting Leave was not a vote for a governmental alternative. Now Jeremy Corbyn has the opportunity to use his Labour leadership re-election campaign to rally both Leave and Remain voters behind a programme for a socialist and internationalist break with the EU bosses’ club, argues CLIVE HEEMSKERK.
The Party is exultant.
‘Project Fear’ lost (project hysteria about Johnny foreigners won…).
The main forces of British and international capitalism did everything they could to secure a vote in June’s referendum to keep Britain in the EU. President Obama made a carefully choreographed state visit. The IMF co-ordinated the release of doom-laden reports with the chancellor George Osborne.
And then there was the shameful joint campaigning of right-wing Labour Party and trade union leaders with David Cameron and other representatives of big business.
A propaganda tsunami of fear was unleashed to try and intimidate the working class to vote in favour of the EU bosses’ club.
But to no avail. Pimco investment company analysts mournfully commented that the vote was “part of a wider, more global, backlash against the establishment, rising inequality and globalisation” (The Guardian, 28 June).
No mention of, er, Jeremy Corbyn’s position in favour of Remain..
The article is full of a lot of tiresome self-justification, and statistics that minimise the Labour voters’ support for Remain, not to mention that of the overwhelming majority of young people, (“Just two out of five people aged 65 and over backed staying in. In contrast, 75% of voters aged 18 to 24 plumped for Remain). They apparently do not see it as a problem that, as the Mirror put it, “Labour’s heartlands united with Tory shires” to vote Leave.
Accepting the present state of class consciousness – on this basis we could equally claim that the Tory shires were also voting “against the capitalist establishment” – is not a socialist standpoint.
Instead the so-called Lexit camp offered ‘understanding’ about fears about being swamped’ by migrants, and a cart-load of clichés about ‘Brussels’ links to big business, as if Westminster is not bound and foot to Capital.
We can also recall straightforward lies blaming the reform of the Code du Travail in France on the EU and the idea that Brexit would halt the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), when it’s been EU countries, and not the UK that have scuppered it for the moment.
The result was that during the Referendum campaign the Lexiters sided with the ‘sovereigntists’ who imagine that leaving the EU would ‘restore’ power to Parliament, and indeed the Nation.
In other words they stood on the same side as the most reactionary sections of Capital and the bourgeoisie, the Tory Right and the ‘populist’ nationalist-racists of UKIP.
If they are not always as honest as their virulently nationalist French allies, the Parti ouvrier indépendant démocratique (POID), about this, the strategy of the Socialist Party, like the SWP, the Morning Star and Counterfire, ties class politics to national sovereignty and erodes the internationalist basis of a common European left.
Trotskyist POID pro-Brexit Rally in Paris May 2016 backed by the SP, Morning Star, Steve Hedley, Alex Gordon, Lexit campaign, and Co.
It is the task of the left to fight, not adapt to, the carnival of reaction that took place during and is continuing after the Referendum.
But no doubt the Socialist Party would have found class reasons to ‘understand’ those in the Victorian proletariat who celebrated the 1900 ending of the siege of Mafeking and this joyous meeting of toffs and East Enders.
To these high-minded people, all capitalist politicians are to blame for nationalist campaigns that feed on racism (“All capitalist politicians, defending a system based on the exploitation of the majority by a small minority, to some degree rest on nationalism – with racism as its most virulent expression – to maintain a social base for capitalist rule”). It’s never the ideology of others, who have no minds of their own. So they, the capitalist lot, are all to blame…
No doubt from the front page of the Daily Express, UKIP, to…the Liberal Democrats….
The SP would no doubt dislike this UKIP poster.
Instead the Socialist Party has no position on the problem – but is opposed to the free movement of labour.
Or to put it less indirectly: migrant labour and ‘foreigners’.
This is a real sticking point.
In the negotiations that are taking place, the Socialist Party lays down a few ‘principles’, apparently socialist and ‘trade unionist’, on the topic.
The socialist and trade union movement from its earliest days has never supported the ‘free movement of goods, services and capital’ – or labour – as a point of principle but instead has always striven for the greatest possible degree of workers’ control, the highest form of which, of course, would be a democratic socialist society with a planned economy.
It is why, for example, the unions have historically fought for the closed shop, whereby only union members can be employed in a particular workplace, a very concrete form of ‘border control’ not supported by the capitalists.
What is their position on the kind of ‘border control’ they do support.
The organised workers’ movement must take an independent class position on the EU free movement of labour rules that will be raised in the EU negotiations (see box).
Here is the negative (Why the Socialist Party opposed the EU.)
What ‘free movement’ exists in the EU is used to allow big business to exploit a cheap supply of labour in a ‘race to the bottom’ in terms of low pay, zero-hour contacts and poor employment conditions.
Well there’s nothing here about pan-European efforts to end this ‘race to the bottom’.
Only a very British exit from the system.
We would like a specific answer: is the Socialist Party in favour of a “closed shop” controlling entry for European and other migrant workers entry into the UK?
How will this operate ?
Pre or post-entry?
To the whatabouters we ask: will ending freedom of movement from ‘Fortress Europe’ mean that you can make a ‘socialist’ Fortress UK?
Migrant labour deserves an answer on how the Socialist Party wishes to regulate their future.